Illustrated throughout, the authors present to students, practitioners and policy makers an exploration of how a participative approach may lead to new spatial conditions, as well as to new types of architectural practices, and investigates the way that the user has been included in the design process.
An examination of how the availability of low-end information and communication technology has provided a basis for the emergence of a working-class network society in China. A process of class formation has begun that has important implications for working-class network society in China and beyond. Qiu brings class back into the scholarly discussion, not as a secondary factor but as an essential dimension in our understanding of communication technology as it is shaped in the vast, industrializing society of China.
Basing his analysis on his more than five years of empirical research conducted in twenty cities, Qiu examines technology and class, networked connectivity and public policy, in the context of massive urban reforms that affect the new working class disproportionately.
The transformation of Chinese society, writes Qiu, is emblematic of the new technosocial reality emerging in much of the Global South. Regenerating London explores latest thinking on urban regeneration in one of the fastest changing world cities. Engaging with social, economic, and political structures of cities, it highlights paradoxes and contradictions in urban policy and offers an evaluation of the contemporary forms of urban redevelopment.
Sustainability and Cities examines the urban aspect of sustainability issues, arguing that cities are a necessary focus for that global agenda. The authors make the case that the essential character of a city's land use results from how it manages its transportation, and that only by reducing our automobile dependence will we be able to successfully accommodate all elements of the sustainability agenda.
The book begins with chapters that set forth the notion of sustainability and how it applies to cities and automobile dependence. The authors consider the changing urban economy in the information age, and describe the extent of automobile dependence worldwide. They provide an updated survey of global cities that examines a range of sustainability factors and indicators, and, using a series of case studies, demonstrate how cities around the world are overcoming the problem of automobile dependence.
They also examine the connections among transportation and other issues—including water use and cycling, waste management, and greening the urban landscape—and explain how all elements of sustainability can be managed simultaneously. The authors end with a consideration of how professional planners can promote the sustainability agenda, and the ethical base needed to ensure that this critical set of issues is taken seriously in the world's cities.
Sustainability and Cities will serve as a source of both learning and inspiration for those seeking to create more sustainable cities, and is an important book for practitioners, researchers, and students in the fields of planning, geography, and public policy.
This successful title, previously known as 'Building the 21st Century Home' and now in its second edition, explores and explains the trends and issues that underlie the renaissance of UK towns and cities and describes the sustainable urban neighbourhood as a model for rebuilding urban areas. The book reviews the way that planning policies, architectural trends and economic forces have undermined the viability of urban areas in Britain since the Industrial Revolution.
Now that much post-war planning philosophy is being discredited we are left with few urban models other than garden city inspired suburbia. Are these appropriate in the 21st century given environmental concerns, demographic change, social and economic pressures? The authors suggest that these trends point to a very different urban future.
The authors argue that we must reform our towns and cities so that they become attractive, humane places where people will choose to live. The Sustainable Urban Neighbourhood is a model for such reform and the book describes what this would look like and how it might be brought about. Written by experts, Sustainable Housing brings new perspectives on residential sustainability, using case studies of latest practice.
This book is based upon the 'Housing and Sustainability' conference at the RIBA in , which intended to guide action into the next century, setting down key principles, providing important new technical information and setting UK practices in a European context.
The third volume of the Sustainable Urban Development Series outlines the BEQUEST toolkit that helps link protocol with the assessment methods currently available for evaluating the sustainability of urban development. It details the decision support mechanisms developed for users of the system to guide them in selecting the appropriate assessment methods for a variety of evaluations. This book provides case studies drawn from locations across Europe, and also provides best practice examples demonstrating those protocols that planners, property developers and design and construction professionals have followed, and how they have selected the assessment methods they need to best evaluate the sustainability of cities, districts, neighbourhoods and buildings.
Dragons in Diamond Village is about the plight—and the courage—of the village-dwellers caught in this tide of urbanization: Huang Minpeng, a semi-literate farmer turned self-taught rights defender; He Jieling, a suburban housewife who just wanted to open a hair salon; and villagers like Lu Zhaohui who refuse to give up the land their families have cultivated for generations. Behind them stand millions of others who exist in the strange limbo of the urban village. Because their villages stand on invaluable tracts of land—vulnerable to the machinations of corrupt local officials—their homes have become a battleground in the war over China's urban future.
Place Making Charles C. Bohl,Dean Schwanke. The Urban Village Alberto Magnaghi. The orders passed on 2 May envisaged the acquisition of entire urbanizable land as indicated in Master Plan for Delhi, except those already developed and committed with a perspective until Another 26, ha. This brought villages within the new urbanizable limits as indicated in the Master Plan.
Acquired land was to be developed and provided for public and private institutes, public utilities, community facilities and industrial and commercial uses. In addition, housing plots were to be allotted to individuals whose land had been acquired provided they did not own residential plot or building. A suitable percentage of housing area was to be reserved for the low-income groups.
These orders were amended in July and February Jha This policy of planned urban development for Delhi nevertheless had two negative aspects.
First, numerous housing colonies created and sold in semi-planned and unplanned state without any civic authorization by unscrupulous real estate developers to the unsuspecting middle class, mushroomed in different parts of the city.
Second, because of large-scale colonies acquisition of agricultural land the villages have undergone a physical and socio-economic transformation. In urbanization process, the agricultural land in most of the villages was left out for secondary dwellings and public buildings.
Even though there were very few 3 Ashish Bose studied land speculation in Delhi for the National Organization in The review of the Master Plan by the DDA inn also took cognizance of the existence of urban villages and stressed the need to integrate them in the planning of Delhi. Delhi , a perspective of the original Master Plan to the end of the century had the following to say about urban villages.
Presently there are villages within the urbanizable limits, more villages would be added into the urban area because of its extension. The settlements having a completely different life-style for centuries are now getting merged into the urban environment and need a sensitive treatment in the planning and development process.
The settlement should get the modern services and amenities and should also be catered for their traditional cultural styles. Delhi Vikas Varta 18 The perspective gathered from the official memo of the Ministry of Works and Housing and the Master Plan for Delhi indicates that villages did not get the attention they deserved from policy makers and planners.
The Master Plan cannot be accused of ignoring villages in its eagerness to plan Delhi. Their approach, however, was both impractical and condescending.
The acquisition of land was looked at purely as administrative, legal and managerial issue. How the people, who had only agriculture related skills, would cope with their uncertain future with some cash in hand, was not considered. Even the lofty objectives incorporated in the planning process were not sincerely implemented.
Acquisition Iin Social Perspective The process of urbanization is recognized to be the most unplanned among the general forms of social change. Acquisition of land is an essential component of planning. Acquisition of rural land in this process takes place in two ways. Rural land is either submerged silently and voluntarily as urbanization flows into its rural hinterland, as it were. Alternatively, land is acquired in the process of planned urban change by private or public agencies.
The other three components are i industrialization, ii the emergence of a middle class, and iii the rise of nationalism. Urbanization could either be a consequence of the three components mentioned above, or part of a continuous interaction as the fourth component with the other three. Naturally, significant human and socio-economic changes follow when such a major change, with qualitative as well as quantitative implications, takes place in the lives of people living in the affected areas.
However, the changes in case of gradual transformation of the habitat in course of natural growth, either its own, or that of a proximate urban area, are evolutional. Therefore, the changes are slow enough to be absorbed gradually, without any major problem of any kind for the inhabitants. There are some analysis of socio-economic changes in villages affected by urbanization available. We have referred to such an analysis for Delhi earlier in the chapter.
Once the agricultural land belonging to an agrarian rural community is acquired for urbanization by a public agency, suddenly the community is compelled to look for an alternative source of livelihood. The rural community with only traditional skills for agricultural pursuits, or for related occupations, is suddenly forced to fend for itself in a different economic and social setting.
For the people do not have the requisite skills to use that money gainfully Bose If they use that money for their immediate needs, they would certainly be jeopardizing their future. Unless they are helped with proper counseling on investment and alternative economic opportunity, the community would go through confusion and psychological uncertainties. The fact of the matter, however, is that the adequacy of compensation, on most occasions, has been in question. Even though people have lost the Fundamental Right to property since the abrogation of Article 31 of the Constitution of India, and consequently the right to question adequacy of compensation in case their property is acquired for public purpose, the relevance of adequate compensation, in case the acquired property is the basic and only source of livelihood of the owner, remains.
In fact, the balance between public good and individual right to property has always been hard to reconcile in India, for even when the Right to Property was a fundamental right the Indian State argued that the adequacy of compensation should not be questioned where a public purpose was involved. In Delhi alone, a large number of cases were filed by villagers against inadequate compensation and many of the cases dragged on for decades.
This, on the one hand, slowed the planning for urban development and, on the other, led to haphazard growth in certain areas. The villagers who protested against the inadequate compensation, were unfortunately left out of the planning process due to dispute involved.
Naturally, urbanization of villages remained a myth. This certainly could have been avoided, had the cases of compensation been looked at slightly differently, taking into account the fact that the villages were not merely losing their land, they were also losing their source of livelihood. The MCD prepared a Redevelopment Plan for the village in , which envisaged building some roads and earmarked sites for certain civic amenities like parks, playgrounds, schools and shopping centres.
It has its separate chopal. The description indicates that despite changes, the village retained some of its rural characteristics not only in physical structure, but also in its social organization and structure. Sundaram further describes the process: As urban expansion proceeds, some cultivated lands pass into urban use, but in the remaining lands cultivation is still possible, and villagers may exploit such economic opportunities as market-gardening, dairy-farming and poultry-keeping.
Some of them may also seek employment in the city and start commuting. The presents who have been deprived of their land and who get cash compensation may invest in land in far-off places or in commerce or squander the money. But slowly and steadily, the villagers tend to practice urban-oriented occupations or seek urban employment. Sundaram Sundaram has mentioned two possibilities of investment of compensation received by the peasants in the urbanized village — investment in land in far-off places, or in commerce.
A study of investment pattern of the compensation money in a village or the fringe of New Delhi by Ashish Bose in revealed that illiterate Jat cultivators did not withdraw the money paid to them by account payee cheques for six months.
Not surprisingly, faced with uncertain future and lacking any institutional or governmental advice on investment, they consulted each other over their future. There were stray investments, successful or otherwise, in business and commerce.
Most of them, however, invested in land in far off places. Since land they purchased was cheaper, they acquired more than what they had in Delhi and saved some money. The next generation was thus educated and turned away from farming Bose Of the villages urbanized between , the data from census were analyzed for villages to look at socio-economic changes taking place in the villages due to urbanization, for the Gazetteer of Rural Delhi. The changes taking place due to urbanization were analyzed in terms of participation rate, economic activities, sex ratio and age structure.
Change in occupation structure meant that the work force in such village took to urban occupations. There was a fall in number of workers in agriculture while the number of workers in other occupations such as manufacturing, construction, trade and commerce and transport showed an increase.
In construction work the proportion of workers increased from 3. A visible reduction in sex ratio in this process indicated the entry of migrant workforce into urban villages for want of cheaper accommodation.
It was found that there was proportionately lower population of children in the age group of years, a higher population of adults in the age group of years and lower population in the 60 plus category India However, P. They could only swell the rank of footloose unskilled labor. Some of them were probably lucky in getting unskilled jobs in the great variety of industrial, commercial and service establishments, but most were pushed into informal sector to scratch uncertain livelihood.
There was a disintegration of their well-knit abadis and their social fabric was shattered. The already unhealthy ecology of these abadis further worsened and each of them was transformed into a veritable slum. India ; italics intended. The benefit from the appreciation of land values, mentioned by Bose , also helped only a few. The villagers also did not have the skills to take advantage of the tremendous appreciation of land values within and around abadis.
Barring a few who had the will to survive and even prosper, most of the people of these urbanized villages fell prey to speculative private developers who cheated them India The village land has also gone to other residential colonies in its vicinity mentioned earlier, which now surround the village in the northeast. In addition, in the southwest lies a small qasba town Gautam Nagar.
According to the census Masjid Moth had acres of land. According to its inhabitants, the village occupied about acres of land in The census data for Masjid Moth creates problems for us in understanding the demographic changes taking place in the village over the years.
The census shows total population at and households at The census, on the other hand, gives total number of household at 82 and population as Obviously, such a decline in population and households is unbelievable. This clearly looks like a case of changes effected in the census area for administrative convenience. The task is made more difficult since , when Masjid Moth is not shown as a village in the census. It becomes a part of charge 64 of the census.
Naturally, the population of the charge 64, 8 There is another posh housing colony of the same name further south from Masjid Moth the village. The two should not be confused with each other. The village is an old inhabitation, as the name suggests dating back at least to medieval times, whereas the housing colony has been named after the historical monument by some historically inclined resident of the locality.
Our concern here is obviously not with the housing colony. Clearly, a re-delineation of the census area took place in as well. Traditional styles of building mingle with the modern in the village. While some old structures built in the traditional mansion style still exist, new extensions in several such structures presented in curious architectural mix.
Some of these buildings belonged to the dominant family of the village. Though most of the houses had inverted open space in the form of courtyards, the village did not have much community open space or a park. The villagers regretted this neglect, as also the use of such allotted space for other purposes. However, the traditional chowk10 of the village was reported to be the traditional meeting place, with a mix of shops around.
Metalled road inside the village, lying in a state of disrepair, narrated the tale of neglect. Though sewer pipes had been laid in the village years ago, uncovered stinking drains are a common sight on all the streets of Masjid Moth, which get clogged very often and split filth all over in the village. Bumpy lanes and roads, and uncovered drains and filth littered around narrated the story of civic neglect of villages in urban Delhi.
The road in front marking the lal dora and bordering South Extension II has been a small market catering to the daily needs of the village as well as of the urban neighbourhood for years.
Pandit Leela Ram Market, as it is popularly known after the most prominent personality of the village, whose family owned most of the real estate in the village, has seen a tremendous facelift since It has been transformed into a massive market complex, with multi-storied shopping arcade and commercial complex. A multi-storied deluxe apartment complex had also been constructed around the same place. Obviously, aside from adding to congestion, these constructions had changed the life and lifestyle in the village.
The Sharmas, who came from Rajasthan, owned bulk of land in Masjid Moth. Many villagers leased land for cultivation from them and in return gave some amount of the yield to them. For example, the land on which the residential neighbourhoods of Lajpat Nagar and Andrews Ganj now stand, were set up in to resettle refugees after 10 Literally, an intersection of four roads, a square.
In a traditional Indian habitation, it also has an importance as a meeting place. In the s the DLF decided to develop residential colony around this area and purchased land for the purpose from the villagers at Rs.
When the DDA acquired land in Masjid Moth in in order to develop residential quarters for government servants, it offered compensation at measly rate of Rs. For the next three decades,11 the matter remained subjudice. The big landlords like the Sharmas received interest running into lakhs, but the smaller land holders suffered due to this delay in payment of compensation. Those villagers whose land was acquired by the government found themselves at a loss.
Whether their land holdings were small or big, the villagers suffered financially while dealing with the government. Those with small land holdings suffered most. Small compensation, smaller installments, legal disputes involving the quantum of compensation, or delayed payment made investment in profitable ventures difficult.
The grievance was that they had received the entire compensation in a single installment they could have made profitable investments. The main source of earning for the villagers before urbanization was trade and occupation linked with agriculture.
Naturally, the acquisition of their land for urbanization took away their source of earning and brought a fundamental change in the source of livelihood in the village. The low rate of compensation offered by the government and consequent litigation led to a great financial hardship for the villagers. The payment in installments made things even worse as those who received the money had to spend it on accumulated necessities.
As the compensation came in small installments, most villagers could not invest it in any profitable ventures. Even awareness of mechanisms of investment was lacking. Very few villagers adjusted to the changes brought about in their economic life by urbanization. The villagers also seemed 11 We are talking of when the data for this study was being collected. We have no information whether the case has finally been decided. Yet, some of them did approach nationalized banks for loans for self-employment, but complained that they were told that they were not eligible for loans.
Only a few families in the village were economically well off. The standard of living of other villagers had not improved much since urbanization of village. Those who sold their land to the DLF could invest the money either in small business or in purchasing land in some other places. Five or six villages could purchase agricultural land in other villages.
One started a brick-kiln business. Three could purchase taxis and three wheeler auto rikshaws. One person purchased a truck lorry. Two opened tea and milk shops on payments. Most of the landless persons took up jobs as domestic servants, or worked as labourers. Five villagers secured jobs as drivers and conductors in the Delhi Transport Corporation. The villagers were proud of a young man employed in Metrology Department of the Government of India because he was part of the team that visited Antarctica.
Leaving aside the posh urban neighbourhoods that have surrounded the village from all the sides, the outer ring or Masjid Moth adjoining the South Extension II has become bustling market with high rise commercial complexes and shopping plaza since However, this portion along the road that constitutes lal dora has been a small market since With the construction of residential houses in South Extension II during the s the small town Leela Ram Market began supplying daily provisions to the residents.
It provided employment to some of the villagers. However, the construction of the Southex Plaza by a young and dynamic scion of the Sharma family has changed the economic life of this sleepy village. Though the new complex has brought in traders, businesspersons and commercial establishments from all over the city, it would be wrong to assume that it has not affected the local residents. First, all the shopkeepers who were dislocated in the course of construction of the new complex were given the option of being relocated on the completion of the complex.
Second, it opened new opportunities and horizons for the enterprising among the villagers. Third, so much of economic and commercial activity in the vicinity would naturally open up new opportunities for the local residents in the informal service sector.
Finally, it would also push up demands for residential space, creating opportunities for future rentiers. The young and enterprising scion of the Sharma family referred to above gave two options to the tenants in his old building in the Leela Ram Market.
Either they could get a shop of the same size in the new complex, or enough money to set up a shop somewhere else. Most of them agreed to settle for a shop there itself. Those did not, were given compensation. However, the initial economic plight of the villagers was expressed in the remark of a citizen that every farmer cannot run a business.
It is not surprising that nearly four or five villagers trying to set up a business lost the money received as compensation. Naturally, no one tried to set up any kind of manufacturing or repairing unit. Only those who set up shops or purchased landed property could gain something.
Obviously, one of the main effects of urbanization, at least in the initial stage, was increasing unemployment among the youth in the village. The village elders recalled that before the acquisition of agricultural land belonging to the village in , hardly anyone was seen idle, or even at leisure, during the day. All the young men, rather all the able-bodied men were occupied either in cultivation or other allied occupations. It must be pointed out here that the problem of unemployment was mentioned to us during the course of research in Apparently, this problem was not sorted out even in 27 years.
As described earlier, Masjid Moth is literally surrounded from all sides. The moment one crosses the lal dora limits from the village to one of the urban, rather metropolitan, neighbourhoods, one is struck by the difference — relatively open roads, green parks, neatly arranged and maintained houses, and so on. Crossing the limits of lal dora from the metropolitan end would be shocking, as one will be surrounded by filth.
The spillover of the economic deprivation in the social field bothered the village elders. The rising graph of crime and violence in the village and involvement of youngsters of the village is such activities worried every one, but it seriously disturbed the elders. The glitter of the neighbouring urban pockets, felt some, added to the feeling of deprivation. Rising unemployment further aggravated such feeling. Rise in the crime in the vicinity has resulted in growing suspicion from the village because of the bad image.
The most fundamental change is that the basis of their economic livelihood has changed. A few have gained or just been able to maintain their old standard, but most seem to feel that they have been losers. They have feeling that, not only the village, but also they as individuals have been simply reduced to a mere adjunct to the neighbouring urban pocket. There is a feeling of loss not merely of independent economic status, but also of an independent identity. Many seem torn between a placid village life and the highly competitive metropolitan life.
Munirka Munirka is located in South Delhi. Situated on the Outer Ring Road, the village was once the outer fringe of Metropolitan Delhi in the south. The south boundary of Metropolitan Delhi has now extended several kilometers beyond the outer ring road. This has left Munirka surrounded, rather engulfed, by urban sprawl.
With a total area of acres, Munirka is a rather sprawling village District Census Handbook, Delhi, In the total number of houses in the village was and households , which means nine households lived in shared accommodation, either as joint family, or as tenants. According to the villagers, the total number of houses has increased to All the houses were pukka, i. A few houses had beautifully carved ethnic wooden doors, very common in rural India.
Clad in traditional attire, senior members in many families could be seen smoking hukkah either in the courtyard of their houses, or outside with other in the village chaupal. The build space in the commercial area of the village was put to mixed use, but not in any planned manner. Hence, no regular pattern could be seen in it. However, the first and the second floors were also let, though mainly as office premises.
Thus, residential use of space could be witnessed, either on the ground floor, or on a portion of it, or on the first or the second floors. In some buildings, for example, a couple of shops had been carved out in the front.
A narrow passage led to the inner verandah, which led to different rooms. In many cases, there was a courtyard adjacent to the verandah. The available data on demography of the village is rather thin. The reason for this weakness, as explained in the earlier case, is definition and redefinition of census areas.
According to the estimates of the villages, total population of the village was 15, in If the estimates are correct, Munirka registered per cent growth since persons in Mohammadpur Munirka and per cent since over persons in Munirka alone. The total number comes to 1, house-holds, or approximately 5, persons. It leaves a gap of 10, persons from the estimated 15, people. The number of tenants, who were not counted in the village population, made up this shortfall.
The number of tenants in Munirka in was estimated to be 10, by a group of village elders. South-Indians were reported mainly were to have rented houses for residential purposes, whereas Panjabis rented premises for shops. Despite the fact that rapid commercialization of spice took place after and most of the Munirkaties had income from rent in , many in the village felt that they did not have much spare space to let.
Many bemoaned the lack of more space to put to commercial use for more income, as rent was reported to be the only source of income for significant number of the villagers.
We found a confirmation for this as many admitted that loss of agricultural land due to urbanization left little option for them but the rely on rent. The loss of agriculture land and the consequent end of farming as the main economic activity had an impact on related economic activities too.
There were very few cattle left in the village. Neither did the villagers have space left for cattle or for their feed anymore. Dairying as an economic activity ended with urbanization. Thus, it is among the few of the earliest urbanized villages of Delhi. It was in , informed the villagers, that their land was acquired through compensation ranging from Re. Not satisfied with this, they appealed and the Sessions Court awarded them Rs. A few of the villagers, who could afford going to the High Court, got the compensation revised to Rs.
Cases filed by some of the villagers were still reported to be in Court. Thus even after knocking at the door of the judiciary for over three decades, some villagers had still to receive full payment of the compensation. The villagers also went to the then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and requested his to relocate the village some other site.
But nothing came of it. Meanwhile the court cases swallowed the scarce resources of the villages. Some of them were reported to be still fighting legal battle in the Supreme Court. There was an anguish and frustration among the senior citizens in Munirka against the deliberate neglect of the village by planners and policy-makers.
They seemed mystified as to why Munitka, and other villages, which parted with their source of livelihood — agricultural land — have been left to decay and fend for themselves while other areas of Delhi were developed since the s.
They said that after the notification of acquisition, the village land remained vacant and unutilized for many years, while the villagers were groping in the dark to find new avenues for income. Within the village no redevelopment work was undertaken. That is why construction within the village since then has been unplanned.
The villagers suffer from a sense of neglect. This feeling gets further aggravated when they see planned housing colonies and neighbourhoods, receiving better amenities by the civic body, coming up on what was their land.
After acquisition of agricultural land of the village, agriculture ceased to be the main economic activity and the habitation ceased to be village. Even if some of the inhabitants purchased agricultural land on the fringe of Delhi, the livelihood system of the village could no longer be identified as depending on agriculture.
At the same time, the integration with the city in terms of lifestyle and phyche was not complete till the beginning of the s. Commercialization of the village was clearly visible to anyone approaching the village from the North, i.
The southern side of the village, facing JNU, was located on a steep mound, not suited for any kind of commercial activity. Barring that impossible side, the eastern, northern and western sides of the village, forming a crescent, had been put to commercial use. In fact, any one walking through the winding lanes of the village could clearly see that at least two layers of the village were converted into market or commercial space.
The appearance of the market confirmed haphazard commercialization of residential space in the village. The shops in the market were assorted general stores, automobile repair workshops, furniture shops, building material, textile and garment, sweet shops and eating joints, etc.
These shops had not been built in a planner manner. On the eastern side of the village, the ground floor of nearly all the houses had been converted into and rented out as commercial space. The neglect manifested itself in several ways. There was, in the first place, a feeling of a basic disregard for the requirements of the village, compounded further by callousness in implementing what was sanctioned.
Hence, even if the civic body had appointed staff for keeping the village clean, they did not work, and enforcement staff of the MCD looked the other way. Consequently, cleaning was reported to be irregular, as the staff worked at their wish.
The complaints of irregular water supply came from the entire village. Many houses, in the village, said some prominent elders, has been denied water connections because the main pipeline supplying municipal water to the village was only of 6-inch diameter, which was not sufficient to serve the increasing demands of the growing village population.
Another villager pointed out that 75 per cent of the village residents had stomach problems because of the insufficient supply of potable water.